中国问题
出版社:中央编译出版社
出版日期:2011-5
ISBN:9787511707512
作者:罗素
页数:212页
作者简介
《中国问题(英文版)》内容简介：1920年10月，罗索怀着对东方智慧国度的敬仰之情抵达上海。他不满于在苏联见到的革命后的种种情形，是到中国来“寻找新的希望”的。罗素在中国讲学、访问一年，悉心研讨中国文化，尤其着眼于中西文化的异同，于1922年发表了《中国问题(英文版)》。时隔近一个世纪，罗素在书中预言的种种情形皆在美国、苏联、中国和日本的发展进程中一一应验了，我们不禁深深为这位睿智的老人所折服。
书籍目录
Chapter I Questions
Chapter II China before the nineteenth century
Chapter III China and the Western powers
Chapter IV Modern China
Chapter V Japan before the restoration
Chapter VI Modern Japan
Chapter VII Japan and China before 1914
Chapter VIII Japan and China during the war
Chapter IX The Washington Conference
Chapter X Present forces and tendencies in the far east
Chapter XI Chinese and Western civilization contrasted
Chapter XII The Chinese character
Chapter XIII Higher education in China
Chapter XIV Industrialism in China
Chapter XV The outlook for China
Appendix
编辑推荐
《中国问题(英文版)》由中央编译出版社出版。
内容概要
BERTRAND RUSSELL (1872-1970), was a British philosopher, logician, mathematician, historian, religious skeptic, social reformer, socialist and pacifist. Although he spent the majority of his life in England, he was born in Wales, where he also died.
Russell led the British "revolt against idealism" in the early 1900s and is considered one of the founders of analytic philosophy along with his protege Wittgenstein and his elder Frege. He was a prominent anti-war activist, championing free trade between nations and anti-imperialism. Russell was imprisoned for his pacifist activism during World War I, campaigned against Adolf Hitler, for nuclear disarmament, criticised Soviet totalitarianism and the United States of America's involvement in the Vietnam War. In 1950, Russell was awarded the Nobel Prize in Literature, "in recognition of his varied and significant writings in which he champions humanitarian ideals and freedom of thought."
章节摘录
版权页： It is interesting to contrast this story with that of the elder Brutus and hissons, upon which we in the West were all brought up. Chao Ki, expounding the Confucian doctrine, says it is contrary to filial pietyto refuse a lucrative post by which to relieve the indigence of one's agedparents. This form of sin, however, is rare in China as in other countries. The worst failure of filial piety, however,is to remain without children, sinceancestors are supposed to suffer if they have no descendants to keep up theircult. It is probable that tlus doctrine has made the Chinese more prolific, inwhich case it has had great biological importance. Filial piety is, of course, inno way peculiar to China, but has been universal at a certain stage of culture. In this respect, as in certain others, what is peculiar to China is the preservationof the old custom after a very high level of civilization had been attained. Theearly Greeks and Romans did not differ from the Chinese in this respect, butas their civilization advanced the family became less and less important.In China, this did not begin to happen until our own day. Whatever may be said against filial piety carried to excess, it is certainly lessharmful than its Western counterpart, patriotism. Both, of course, err ininculcating duties to a certain portion of mankind to the practical exclusion ofthe rest. But patriotism directs one's loyalty to a fighting unit, which filialpiety does not （except in a very primitive society）. Therefore patriotism leadsmuch more easily to militarism and imperialism. The principal method of advancing the interests of one's nation is homicide; the principal method of advancing the interest of one's family is corruption and intrigue. Thereforefamily feeling is less harmful than patriotism. This view is borne out by thehistory and present condition of China as compared to Europe.
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精彩书评 (总计2条)
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After these preliminary remarks， I come to the theme of this chapter， namely，the present internal condition of China. As everyone knows， China， after having an Emperor for forty centuries，decided， eleven years ago， to become a modern democratic republic. Manycauses led up to this result. Passing over the first 3，700 years of Chinese history，we arrive at the Manchu conquest in 1644， when a warlike invader from thenorth succeeded in establishing himself upon the Dragon Throne. He set to work to induce Chinese men to wear pigtails and Chinese women to have big feet. After a time a statesmanlike compromise was arranged： pigtails wereadopted but big feet were rejected; the new absurditywas accepted and the oldone retained. This characteristic compromise shows how much England and China have in common. The Manchu Emperors soon became almost completely Chinese， butdifferences of dress and manners kept the Manchus distinct from the morecivilized people whom they had conquered， and the Chinese remained inwardlyhostile to them. From 1840 to igoo， a series of disastrous foreign wars，culminating in the humiliation of the Boxer time， destroyed the prestige of the Imperial Family and showed all thoughtful people the need of learning from Europeans. The Taiping rebellion，which lasted for 15 years （1849-64），is thought by Putnam Weale to have diminished the population by 150 millions，and was almost as temble a business as the Great War. For a long time it seemed doubtful whether the Manchus could suppress it， and when at last they succeeded （by the help of Gordon） their energy was exhausted. The defeat of China byjapan （1894-95） and the vengeance of the Powers after the Boxer rising（1goo） finally opened the eyes of all thoughtful Chinese to the need for a better and more modern government than that of the Imperial Family. But things move slowly in China， and it was not till eleven years after the Boxer movement that the revolution broke out. The revolution of 1911，in China， was a moderate one， similar in spirit to ours of 1688. Its chief promoter， Sun Yat-Sen， now at the head of the Canton Government， was supported by the Republicans， and was elected provisional President. But the Nothern Army remained faithful to the dynasty， and could probably have defeated the revolutionaries. Its Commander-in-Chief， Yuan Shih-k'ai， however， hit upon a better scheme. He made peace with the revolutionaries and acknowledged the Republic， on condition that he should be the first President instead of Sun Yat-Sen. Yuan Shih-k'ai was， of course， supported by the Legations， being what is called a "strong man，" i.e.a believer in blood and iron， not likely to be led astray by talk about democracy or freedom. In China， the North has always been more military and less liberal than the South， and Yuan Shih-k'ai had created out ofNorthern troops whatever China possessed in the way of a modern army. As he was also ambitious and treacherous， he had every quality needed for inspiring confidence in the diplomatic corps. In view of the chaos which has existed since his death， it must be admitted， however， that there was something to be said in favour of his policy and methods. A Constituent Assembly， after enacting a provisional constitution， gave place to a duly elected Parliament， which met in April 1913 to determine the permanent constitution. Yuan soon began to quarrel with the Parliament as to the powers of the President， which the Parliament wished to restrict. The majority in Parliament was opposed to Yuan， but he had the preponderance in military strength. Under these circumstances， as was to be expected， constitutionalism was soon overthrown. Yuan made himself financially independent of Parliament （which had been duly endowed with the power of the purse） by unconstitutionally concluding a loan with the foreign banks. This led to a revolt of the South， which， however， Yuan quickly suppressed. After this， by various stages， he made himself virtually absolute ruler of China. He appointed his army lieutenants military governors of provinces， and sent Northern troops into the South. His regime might have lasted but for the fact that， in 1915， he tried to become Emperor， and was met by a successful revolt. He died in 1916-of a broken heart， it was said. Since then there has been nothing but confusion in China. The military governors appointed by Yuan refused to submit to the Central Government when his strong hand was removed， and their troops terrorized the populations upon whom they were quartered. Ever since there has been cvil war， not， as a rule， for any definte principle， but simply to determine which of various rival generals should govern various groups of provinces. There still remains the issue of North versus South， but this has lost most ofits constitutional significance. The military governors of provinces or groups of provinces， who are called Tuchuns， govern despotically in defiance of Peking， and commit depredations on the inhabitants of the districts over which they rule. They intercept the revenue， except the portions collected and administered by foreigners， such as the salt tax. They are nominally appointed by Peking， but in practice depend only upon the favour of the soldiers in their provinces. The Central Government is nearly bankrupt， and is usually unable to pay the soldiers， who live by loot and by such portions of the Tuchun's illgotten wealth as he finds it prudent to surrender to them. When any faction seemed near to complete victory， the Japanese supported its opponents，in order that civildiscord might be prolonged. While I was in Peking， the three most important Tuchuns met there for a conference on the division of the spoils. They were barely civil to the President and the Prime Minister， who still officially represent China in the eyes of foreign Powers. The unfortunate nominal Government was obliged to pay to these three worthies， out of a bankrupt treasury， a sum which the newspapers stated to be nine million dollars， to secure their departure from the capital. The largest share went to Chang Tso-Iin， the Viceroy of Manchuria and commonly said to be a tool of Japan. His share was paid to cover the expenses of an expedition to Mongolia， which had revolted; but no one for a moment supposed that he would undertake such an expedition， and in fact he has remained at Mukden ever since. …… -
读这本书，不同的角度来看待那段历史。日本在本书中的形象比较囧，原来不只是中国人讨厌日本，几乎所有跟日本打过交道的国家对日本都相当讨厌。随时准备出卖盟友，也随时在出卖着盟友，所以背信弃义以及各种偷鸡摸狗的事情没少做。只要有利可图。不过国际关系不就是这样吗？中国从当初那个任人欺凌的没落帝国走到今天，真不容易，罗素也没有预料到今天。看书里面的学生运动，以及华盛顿会议等历史事件的时候，总是为那群年轻人感动。历史的发生，有很多道路，为什么选择了这条道路却没有选择那一条？为什么中国没有变成吴佩孚孙中山等人说的宪政国家，如英国一样。虽然他们似乎有相同的追求，都要组建议会，让中国成为宪政体，为什么孙中山要去打吴佩孚而不是张作霖？这本书对孙中山的评价不高。似乎跟日本人有暧昧。而且，他在改革的圈子名誉不好。不知是否属实。倒是对吴佩孚比较赞赏。英国人似乎认为吴佩孚是那个带领中国走向宪政的国家。还有认为中国的特别男女平等，好吧，那只是个幻觉。这本书对中国的看法有点过于乐观。因为罗素喜欢中国人。他说的中国的其中一个优点就是让人喜欢。不管是来中国旅行的还是来做生意的西方人，都很容易喜欢上中国人，而非日本或者其他国家的人。这是一种特质。摘抄最后一段话：If the Chinese were to adopt the Western philosophy of life, they would, as soon as they had made themselves safe against foreign aggression, embark upon aggression on their own account. They would repeat the campaigns of the Han and Tang dynasties in Central Asia, and perhaps emulate Kublai by the invasion of Japan. They would exploit their material resources with a view to producing a few bloated plutocrats at home and millions dying of hunger abroad. Such are the results which the West achieves by the application of science. If China were led astray by the lure of brutal power, she might repel her enemies outwardly, but would have yielded to them inwardly. It is not unlikely that the great military nations of the modern world will bring about their own destruction by their inability to abstain from war, which will become, with every year that passes, more scientific and more devastating. If China joins in this madness, China will perish like the rest. But if Chinese reformers can have the moderation to stop when they have made China capable of self-defence, and to abstain from the further step of foreign conquest; if, when they have become safe at home, they can turn aside from the materialistic activities imposed by the Powers, and devote their freedom to science and art and the inauguration of a better economic system—then China will have played the part in the world for which she is fitted, and will have given to mankind as a whole new hope in the moment of greatest need. It is this hope that I wish to see inspiring Young China. This hope is realizable; and because it is realizable, China deserves a foremost place in the esteem of every lover of mankind.历史主要是一个关于选择的问题。中国的未来到底会怎么走？是拼命扩张如西方国家那样，还是满足于自我防御，然后投入科学与艺术中，并开创一种新的经济系统，目前来看，似乎走向了一条比较危险的道路。
精彩短评 (总计53条)
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1、开头就把引用庄子的一段关于“混沌”的点睛之笔漏了。2、没过一页，就在正文中莫名其妙的漏掉了数段内容，还不是整页的漏，是一句话还没说完就一下接到大概原著一页纸后面某段某句话的字句上去了。读我的莫名其妙。若不是曾经读过原版的，根本无法知道居然翻印一下粗制滥造、不负责任到如此地步。给出版社写邮件过去，居然杳无音信。此种出版社及出品绝对误人子弟。 -
罗素，给他几个礼拜时间让他了解某一领域，他就能写出一部深刻的专著。有些人就是天才，没办法。 -
书还没看，不过挺实惠的。罗素先生的书值得一看 -
适合英语学习者和书籍爱好者 -
拿到书很开心啊，印刷很好，就是封面的有点脏，不过不影响整体，总的来说，很满意 -
从心底里敬佩之 -
还没读，以后再补上！ -
同类版本中，这个版属于上品之作！ -
看的出羅素還真得挺喜歡中國的哲學 中國的教育抓得不夠緊也是羅素所擔心的關鍵 難道中國的民主還真的遙遙無期 T~T -
作品本身倒是没什么大不了，但价格便宜，适合练习英文，哈哈！ -
里边内容还好,只是封皮有破损,希望下次注意检查. -
期待书的内容 -
外国人对中国问题分析，深入浅出值得慢慢品味。 -
值得一读 -
很喜欢这本书，内容很好，视觉效果也不错 -
中英文对照着看，既能练习英语，又能更清楚地把握作者原意 -
中国问题 中国震撼 中国模式我都感兴趣 -
文理兼修的大家罗素看待中国，能不看吗？ -
这书不错,在图书馆看到后,就想买来收藏.不过不如我在书店看到的好,看封面感觉就象盗版似的,又脏,一摸满手灰.而且印刷不精美.有点疑惑. -
罗素罗素我爱你，就像老鼠爱大米。 -
才看没多少就发现有句子读不通，还在想是不是我自己英文太烂，翻开ibooks里的电子档发现是这书真的是掉了一大段啊。而且很奇葩的是不是一整段一整段的掉，而是一个没有叙述完的句子接着N段以后的某一个去了头的句子。 = - 怎么说呢。唉~后面还没看，不知道还有没类似问题。 朋友們注意了！！！！！ 鄙視中央編譯！！！！ -
看英美作家的字里行间更能升华英语的学习。所以还是需要多加努力看一些这样的书。书质量不错，装订也很精致。可惜书写的有些薄，已经看了四分之一，感觉是在描述中国简史，其实更想知道罗素是怎么更深刻的点触中国发展的实质性问题。 -
看完英文版才发现，有些人就是在用自己的肤浅来玷污一本神一样的著作，可耻中带有一种可爱啊，可爱得有些可怜，可怜得有些可惜。可惜的是你平时要是多记几个单词，你的人生得少好多意淫之念啊。 -
之前看过中文翻译版的，后来看到当当上的也不贵，就买了一本。估计英文版也是翻译过来的，总之意思到了就行了 -
客观，公正 -
罗素之书 通俗而富有哲理 -
老外看问题的角度还真有不一样的地方，比如从汉字造字法来看中国文化言必称古的特点 -
现在的人学习英语真有福气。曾经非常喜欢罗素，也是受到导师的影响。过去很少能买到英文版的罗素书籍，只有在图书馆借来复印。现在亚马逊可以买到很多英文书，而且，居然，是国内的出版社出版的。版式不错，开本开阔，国内的英文书也上台阶了。 -
文笔好，且对中国抱有善意和期待，但是也不回避批评。 -
罗素的书，绝对值得看，而且开版印张都很精美 -
很久以前看过的，今天又翻出来。永远喜欢罗素。 -
英文版看的更加原汁原味。能学到不少东西。 -
关于逻辑语言运用，有帮助 -
一本好书，言语简单明了，甚至优美，当然，需要一定英语基础，不过真心钦佩这位老人，不知道自己是不是太感性了，那种平淡的阐述也能让我感动，推荐！ -
一位思想家对中国和中国历史的睿智思考，优美的文字描述，精彩的插图。
睡在床上看很享受！ -
Russell笔下的中国，我觉得有些陌生，他好多的担心几天已经变成事实了，还有些，至今我们也不能给出答案。悲哀。 -
大家的经典之作，值得一看！ -
这应该是一本包容哲学思想，文化，政治，经济理念为一体的中国学作品，作者是1920～1921年在中国访问教学，1922年出版这部作品。对于一些历史细节等客观方面作者还存在一些谬误，主观方面不作评论，但这本书总体是对中国持友好态度并给出了一个西方视角下的中国社会文化等内容，对我们自身了解中国的问题也很多帮助。毕竟我们说当局者迷。尤其是书中很多预言在此后都成为现实，更增添了其内容的可靠性。 -
书有点破损了。不过质量还是不错的。 -
看外国人写自己国家的事情，可以从另一面看到不一样的中国！ -
1920年10月，罗素怀着对东方智慧国度的敬仰之情抵达上海。他不满于在苏联见到的革命后的种种情形，是到中国来“寻找新的希望“的。罗素字中国讲学、访问一年，悉心研讨中国文化，尤其着眼于中西文化的异同，于1922年发表了《中国问题》一书。时隔近一个世纪，罗素在书中预言的种种情形皆在美国、苏联、中国和日本的发展进程中一一应验了，我们不禁深深为这位睿智的老人所折服。
罗素著文一向文采灿然，议论风发，如谈到汉字的特点时，罗素分析说：“它没有字母语言的诸多便利，但是它体现着简朴、终极的真理，不为狂风暴雨摧残，不受艰难时日侵袭，保护中华文明绵延四千余年。它坚固、方正而优美，恰如它所代表的精神。”至今读来仍余味无穷，口齿留香。 -
理性的魅力。 -
学到哲学，学到英语 -
书居然有删节。。有的句子删得莫名其妙啊 -
语言精湛，见解独到，思想深刻，但是读着没有很难 -
英文版，用来学习 -
价格便宜，书质量又好。
印刷很清楚，内容不用说，很有用，现在看来仍然很有道理。
建议有基础的直接读原文，毕竟罗素的语言文字很棒，细细品味，很有感觉！ -
这个系列是中央编译出版社比较差的版本。封面是一层塑料，书名印在塑封上，纸封面反而没有书名，塑料老化后书名就没有了。字体小，不宜看。因为一时买不到好版本的，只好咬牙买了这个系列其中几本，有中国问题，天演论，其他就不敢买了。另外说说中央编译... 阅读更多 -
还没到货，但感觉内容不错 -
一个外国人见解中国文化之深令人罕见，不过那个描述是已经过去的时代了，新的中国人我觉得会很让他老人家失望，抑或是也在他的遇见之中 -
智者之声，百年不后 -
绝对正版，有利于英语水品提高 -
由罗素大师特有的笔触和经历，洋洋洒洒，以一名西方人局外独到的眼光来分析中国问题。还原本质之余，亦发人深思。