荣耀与丑闻

出版日期:2014-6
ISBN:9787208122245
作者:[德] 萨弗兰斯基
页数:472页

作者简介

◎ 浪漫主义的艺术成就有多璀璨,它的政治实践就有多危险。
◎ 从歌德到尼采,伴随着浪漫主义,德国式的深邃思想,不仅获得渴望和忧伤的色彩,还带有满不在乎和举重若轻的秉性。
◎ 纵贯德国200年,阿多诺弟子、“最会讲故事”的德国思想史畅销作家萨弗兰斯基倾力之作。
这是一部德国浪漫主义的简史。从1750年左右,一直写到1990年左右 ,囊括200年。
启蒙思想的重大错误之一就是低估了非理性力量的威力,在德国,启蒙运动早早就孕生了一股反对自身的力量。针对启蒙运动的明晰,浪漫主义者倡导搅动人的“幽暗的本能”,即世人身上的狄俄尼索斯之力或非理性,来对抗阿波罗的理性及其带来的“异化的社会机械论”,它延续了人类平衡物质与精神、现实与理想、肉体与灵魂、理智与情感之冲突的努力,带来了一个文学、哲学和宗教融会一处的激情时代。
但是,就像雅努斯的两张面孔,浪漫主义作为一个思想运动结束后,在20世纪,带给德国的却是并不光彩的历史。“浪漫的”思维方式,或者“浪漫主义的精神姿态”,作为德意志民族的性格要素,越出文学疆域,染上民族主义色彩,开始涉足政治,在“一战”期间变身为所谓的“钢铁浪漫主义”,在纳粹时期又被再度利用。政治的浪漫主义,既无益于浪漫主义也无益于政治。
作者在完整地分梳德国浪漫主义脉络之时,并不以绵密的考证见长,却以通达的见识和宏阔的视野取胜。其表述感性酣畅,充满灵性,更贴近浪漫主义之生命的本体,以及浪漫主义作家之灵魂的此在,十分具有可读性。

书籍目录

作为德国事件的浪漫主义(代译序)………… 1
前言………… 11
◎ 第一部 浪漫主义
第一章………… 19
浪漫主义的开端:赫尔德入海远航/ 重新发明文化/ 个人主义和各族人民的声音/ 关于时代潮流中事物的荡漾
第二章………… 33
从政治革命到审美革命/ 政治的软弱无能和诗的勇猛大胆/ 席勒鼓动参与伟大的游戏/ 浪漫主义作家准备登台亮相
第三章………… 53
留下墨印的世纪/ 告别启蒙后的清醒/ 从奇异到奇妙/ 弗里德里希•施莱格尔和反讽的发迹/ 美丽的混沌/ 批评的独裁者的时刻/ 将世界造就为艺术作品
第四章………… 77
费希特和当一名自我的浪漫主义的兴致/ 心灵的充溢/ 来自虚无的创造/ 浪漫的社交/ 耶拿传奇般的群居/ 高空翱翔和害怕坠落
第五章………… 99
路德维希• 蒂克/ 在文学工厂里/ 威廉• 洛威尔的自我放纵/ 文学讽刺/ 写作的能手遭遇笃信艺术的瓦肯罗德/ 两个朋友正在寻找他们梦中现实的途中/ 月光皎洁的迷人之夜和丢勒时代/ 朦胧中的维纳斯山/ 弗兰茨• 施特恩巴尔德的漫游
第六章…………121
诺瓦利斯/ 与施莱格尔的友谊/ 在席勒病榻旁/ 索菲• 封• 屈恩/ 爱情和死亡/ 论超越的快感/ 夜颂/ 白日之上,白日之下/ 山之神秘/ 基督世界或欧洲/ 无神之处,鬼怪横行
第七章………… 147
浪漫的宗教/ 发明上帝/ 施莱格尔的实验/ 弗里德里希• 施莱尔马赫的出场:宗教是对于无限者的感受力和鉴赏力/ 善恶之彼岸的宗教/ 当下中的永恒/ 通过世界之美的拯救/ 一个宗教的技巧能手的生平
第八章………… 165
美和神话学/ 德国理想主义最古老的系统纲领/ 理性的神话/ 论追寻起源之真理的未来的理性/ 格雷斯,克劳伊泽尔,施莱格尔以及对东方的发现/ 另外的古代/ 荷尔德林的众神/ 他们的当下性和可逝性/ 在
图像中消失
第九章………… 187
诗的政治/ 从革命到天主教制度/ 浪漫主义的帝国思想/ 席勒和诺瓦利斯论文化民族/ 费希特的民族/ 从自我到我们/ 母体社会/ 亚当• 米勒和埃德蒙• 伯克/ 通俗性/ 海德堡浪漫主义/ 解放战争/ 武装的浪漫主义/ 对拿破仑的仇恨/ 克莱斯特作为仇恨的天才
第十章……………211
浪漫主义的对常态的不满/ 启蒙的清醒/ 理性的与合理的/ 艺术家的骄傲和痛苦/ 克莱斯勒/ 对庸人的批评/ 多样性的丢失/ 几何学的精神/ 无聊/ 针对巨大裂缝的浪漫之神/ 诗意的似乎
第十一章…………229
浪漫主义的启程和中断/ 艾兴多夫:生机勃勃的旅程/ 星空颂歌/ 信奉上帝/ 倚窗/ 诗人及其信徒/ 生命之诗/ 虔诚的反讽/ 无用之人:基督形象的傻瓜/ E.T.A. 霍夫曼:轻松自如/ 未紧紧扎根/ 游戏者/ 恐惧的美学/ 天堂近在咫尺,但地狱同样/ 布兰比拉公主和大笑/ 疑心重重的幻想家
◎ 第二部 浪 漫
第十二章…………253
对思想混乱的回顾/ 黑格尔作为浪漫主义的批评者/ 世界精神的命令以及狂妄的主体/ 毕得迈耶尔和青年德意志/ 在通向实际的现实的途中/ 揭露的竞争,批判上天,发现大地和肉身/ 浪漫主义的将来,诗
意的当下/ 施特劳斯/ 费尔巴哈/ 马克思/ 不同阵营之间的海涅/ 浪漫派的终曲和捍卫夜莺/ 人类解放战争中的士兵,只是一名诗人而已
第十三章………… 281
青年德意志的瓦格纳/《黎恩齐》在巴黎/ 德累斯顿的浪漫主义革命家/ 早期浪漫主义梦想的实现:新的神话/ 尼伯龙根的指环/ 自由之人如何促成众神的黄昏/ 反资本主义和反犹太主义/ 神秘的经历/ 特里斯坦和浪漫主义之夜/ 象征主义的迷醉/ 对感官的总攻
第十四章………… 301
尼采论瓦格纳:艺术的首次环球远航/ 时代的非浪漫主义精神:现实主义,历史主义/ 劳动教养所/ 狄俄尼索斯的浪漫主义/ 世界语言音乐/ 尼采背离瓦格纳:拯救者的拯救/ 忠实于大地/ 赫拉克利特和席勒的游戏的享受现世生活者/ 反讽的抵抗的终结/ 崩溃
第十五章………… 327
生命,生命而已/ 青年运动/ 生命变革/ 兰道尔/ 一种神秘主义的开始/ 雨果• 封• 霍夫曼斯塔尔,里尔克和斯特凡• 格奥尔格/ 威廉二世时代的背景魔术师:舰队建设的钢铁浪漫主义/1914 年的思想/ 战争中的托马斯• 曼/ 伦理学的空气,浮士德的馥郁之气,十字架,死亡和墓穴
第十六章………… 355
从魔山进入平原/ 朗厄马克/ 两个世界之间的漫游者/ 两颗冒险的心:恩斯特• 容格尔和弗朗茨• 容格/ 图林根的狂舞/ 东方之旅/ 紧张费力的客观性/ 等待伟大的瞬间/ 共和国末日时爆炸性的古物/ 海德格尔的政治浪漫主义
第十七章………… 381
受控告的浪漫主义/ 国家社会主义曾如何浪漫?纳粹文化机构中关于浪漫主义的争论/ 纳粹现代主义:钢铁般的浪漫主义/ 帝国浪漫主义/ 纽伦堡/ 浪漫主义的精神姿态作为史前史/ 狄俄尼索斯的生命或者生物学主义/ 与世隔绝,世界虔诚和摧毁世界的躁狂/ 对粗暴事件的崇高的解释/ 以海德格尔为例/ 希特勒和浪漫主义的狂热谵妄/ 妄念和真理
第十八章…………405
灾难及其浪漫主义的解读:托马斯• 曼的浮士德博士/ 对粗暴事件的崇高的解释/ 清醒/ 酒醒后的醉汉/ 怀疑的一代/ 再次新现实派/ 先锋派,技术和大众/ 晚间节目中的阿多诺和盖伦/’68 运动有多么浪漫?
论浪漫主义和政治
参考文献………… 431
人名索引………… 451

内容概要

◎ 作者:吕迪格尔•萨弗兰斯基(Rüdiger Safranski,1945—  )
德国当代著名思想史作家,传记作家。曾在法兰克福师从阿多诺学习哲学,并在柏林自由大学取得博士学位。自1987年开始自由撰稿,因所著E.T.A.霍夫曼、叔本华、海德格尔、尼采、席勒等德国重要思想家传记,名噪文坛。他的作品已被翻译成26种语言,并获奖无数,包括2005年莱比锡书展非虚构图书奖、2005年世界文学奖、2009年Corine国际图书奖之终身成就奖等。其文字优美、掌控自由,能够将大量史料和独特观点圆融地浸润于通俗的讲述之中。

萨弗兰斯基才华横溢,2002年在德国电视二台(ZDF)作为主持人之一担纲主持的电视节目“哲学四重奏”,为他赢得了十分广泛的公共知名度。
◎译者:卫茂平
上海外国语大学德语系主任,中国外国文学学会理事、德语文学研究会副会长。1989年获德国海德堡大学德语文学博士学位。享受国务院特殊津贴,学术著作曾获“上海哲学社会科学优秀成果奖”以及“中国高校人文社会科学研究优秀成果奖”。


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  •     Peculiarly GermanRomantics, Romanticism, and historyThomas A. KohutFebruary 9, 2015, Vol. 20, No. 21In his foreword, this book’s excellent translator, Robert E. Goodwin, describes the author, Rüdiger Safranski, as a “raconteur.” This is an apt characterization: Highly intelligent and extraordinarily well-read, Safranski brims with intellectual self-confidence. He is firm in his convictions and in his judgments. He relishes his erudition and delights in conveying it to his readers, which he does with imagination and panache. Indeed, one might even say that Safranski loves the sound of his own voice. It is generally a very enjoyable voice to listen to.The author distinguishes between “Romanticism” and “Romantics.” The former was a circumscribed historical period beginning (in Safranski’s account) in 1769 with Johann Gottfried von Herder’s voyage from Riga and ending in the 1820s with E.T.A. Hoffmann and Joseph von Eichendorff. The Romantic era is the subject of the first half of the book. The “Romantics,” then, are the individual thinkers who carried on the tradition of Romanticism after the Romantic era was over: Romantics—down to the student rebels of the late 1960s—are the subject of the book’s second half. According to Safranski, the idea animating Romanticism from 1770 until the 1820s, and Romantics to the present day, is “that the beam of our awareness does not illuminate the entirety of our experience, that our consciousness cannot grasp our whole Being, that we have a more intimate connection with the life process than our reason would like to believe.” Although Romanticism responds to the sense that there is more to the world and to our lives than meets the eye, to the universal human need for meaning and fulfillment, it emerged in specific response to the triumph of Enlightenment rationality and, consequently, the decline of religion in the late 18th century. The Enlightenment’s vision of a rationally functioning, lawful universe created by a deistic God seemed a “monstrous mill” or a “perpetual motion machine” to the Romantics, and they pushed back against the sterility of such a world. In response to the “disenchantment of the world” through secularization and the triumph of empiricism, the Romantics sought to satisfy the “appetite for mystery and wonder” that religion traditionally had satisfied. Romanticism also reacted against the emergence, in the 19th century, of the modern rationalistic society, with its efficiency, its specialization, its emphasis on economic utility—and its monotony. A world mastered by human reason seemed conventional, prosaic, boring. In sum, the Romantics sought to “banish the wasteland of disenchantment” produced by Enlightenment rationalism and capitalism and, like traditional religions, respond to a yearning for the mysterious, the sublime, the transcendent. In contrast to religion, however, Romanticism discovered these experiences not in the afterlife but in the here and now, within individual human beings. And these experiences were to be recovered not through the institutions or the rituals of the church but through art. As Goodwin neatly puts it in his foreword, Romanticism for Rüdiger Safranski “is essentially the recuperation and reinvigoration of the religious imagination in a secular age by aesthetic means.”The author is sympathetic to Romanticism, when it remains in the aesthetic realm, as having the potential to enrich and fulfill a life and a world that would otherwise be sterile and superficial, a literal life and a literal world. The problem comes when Romanticism enters the political realm. Whereas the Romantic craves adventure, intense experiences, and extremes, successful politics depends on compromise, rational discourse, consensus, and achievement that is mostly partial and prosaic. If we fail to realize that the reason of politics and the passions of Romanticism are two separate spheres, which we must know how to keep separate ... we risk the danger of looking to politics for an adventure that we would better find in the sphere of culture—or, vice versa, of demanding from the sphere of culture the same social utility we expect from politics. Neither an adventurous politics nor a politically correct cultural sphere is desirable. [Only misfortune and suffering result when] we seek in politics what we can never find there: redemption, true Being, the answer to the ultimate questions, the realization of dreams, the utopia of the successful life, the God of history, apocalypse, and eschatology.The contamination of the political sphere with the Romantic impulse has had fateful—indeed, fatal—consequences, particularly in Germany, according to Safranski. Beginning with the French Revolution, Romanticism and politics came together, as “questions of meaning that were formerly the precinct of religion are now aligned with politics. There is a secularizing impulse that transforms the so-called ultimate questions into sociopolitical ones.” Initially inspired by the French Revolution and then opposing it, especially during the period of the wars against Napoleon, Romanticism became politicized in Germany. Already, with Fichte in the early 19th century, Romanticism’s individualism and cosmopolitanism had begun to give way to a demand for national and political renewal: “The Romantic metaphysics of the infinite turns into a metaphysics of history and society, Volksgeist, and nation, and it becomes ever more difficult for the individual to resist the suggestion of the We.” The fragmented political condition and relative social backwardness of Germany during the first half of the 19th century produced a particularly naïve view of politics, according to Safranski. Because politics in the multitude of small German states appeared to matter so little, Romantics moved away from the real toward the ideal in their political attitudes. They developed an apolitical politics that eschewed the give-and-take, the moderation, of quotidian political engagement, leaving those influenced by Romanticism susceptible, ultimately, to the utopian appeals of the totalitarian ideologies of the 20th century.Surprisingly—and, in my view, mistakenly—Safranski concludes that Adolf Hitler and the Nazis were not political Romantics. They were too activist, too modernist, too populist for that: “Certainly, Hitler’s ideas were not in the least bit Romantic. They come out of a vulgarized and morally dissolute conversion of the natural sciences into an ideology: biologism, racism, and anti-Semitism,” he writes. Safranski overlooks the obviously Romantic features of National Socialism, such as its vision of the “community of the people,” as well as the Romanticism underlying Hitler’s racialized Darwinism, with life presented as a dramatic struggle for survival or extinction. Although he claims the Nazis cannot be described as political Romantics, Safranski traces the susceptibility of the German people to Nazism back to the influence of Romanticism. As a result of that influence, Germans lacked a grounded “political mentality” and proper “political judgment,” and held practical politics in contempt. To the extent they were Romantics, Germans sought “profound meanings,” the “suprapolitical,” even the “sacral” in the political arena, and were attracted to politics “that seemed to promise what religion otherwise offered: an answer to ultimate questions, that is, redemption, apocalypse, eschatology.” This was precisely the sort of “non-political politics” that Hitler seemed to offer. Although Safranski sees the impact of the 1968 generation in Germany as having been ephemeral, more reflecting than producing social and cultural change, he paints the student rebels, with their desire to transcend the “capitalistic work-and-consumption society” of West Germany through the creation of a counterculture, as political Romantics of a sort. Thus, the example of the 1968ers makes clear that while Romanticism, as “a brilliant epoch in the history of the German mind ... has passed away ... the Romantic as an attitude” remains very much alive: “It almost always comes into play whenever discontent with reality and convention seeks escape, change, or the possibility of transcendence,” according to Safranski. He believes that we need both Romanticism and a knowledge of its limitations, particularly its incompatibility with political life: The tension between politics and the Romantic impulse belongs to the larger tension between what can be imagined and what can be lived. The attempt to resolve this tension into a unity that is free of contradictions can lead to the impoverishment or to the devastation of life. Life is impoverished when people no longer dare to imagine anything beyond what they think they can live. And it is devastated when people insist on living an idea at any cost, including destruction and self-destruction, simply because they have imagined it.From a political perspective, Safranski’s position here would seem to exclude the possibility of any sort of radical politics where people seek to overthrow or transform the political system under which they live. This is fine, perhaps, in relation to functioning, representative, Western democracies. It seems more problematic, though, when applied to dictatorships, or other oppressive, authoritarian, or totalitarian regimes. Would it really have been wrong for people living in the German Democratic Republic (to take one recent German example) to imagine a wholly different polity and society, and for them to attempt to make what they had imagined a political and social reality? Romanticism: A German Affair can be described as an old-fashioned work of cultural history, with its sweep, its focus on a relatively small number of literati who are seen as changing the course of history, its treatment of ideas largely divorced from their social, political, and wider cultural contexts, and its effort to expose the roots of “the German catastrophe” that was National Socialism. In 376 pages, the author presents, analyzes, and assesses the canonical philosophical and literary ideas of 200 years of German cultural history. He draws succinct thumbnail sketches of the thought (and, frequently, the personalities) of Germany’s cultural luminaries from 1769 to 1969.Obviously, such a sweeping account runs the risk of superficiality. There were moments when I had the sense that I was being taken on a fast-moving tour of the history of German culture, with Rüdiger Safranski serving as tour guide. Perhaps because I am an American knowledgeable about, but not steeped in, the literary and philosophical classics of modern Germany, I occasionally found myself confused, lost—or harboring the suspicion that there was more that could be said about the ideas being presented and that the author’s presentation of those ideas was somewhat idiosyncratic. As a historian, I had the sense that the philosopher Safranski sometimes underestimated the cultural gap separating readers and author from the thinkers of the past he considers, that he lacked sufficient appreciation of the difficulty in understanding those thinkers on their terms—not ours. The past seems very much present in this work, with that reduced cultural distance jarringly conveyed by the author’s use of the present tense. Safranski brings these thinkers and writers to life here, both for good and for less good, as he may occasionally make alien ideas seem more familiar than they should be, and he overlooks changes in Romanticism over the course of the 200 years covered in his book. The Romantics of the past, including those of the Romantic era, remain “our contemporaries” for Safranski in that we, like them, feel ourselves bereft of metaphysical support “in our confrontation with infinity. We no longer have the conviction of being borne along by a cosmos that is self-evidently saturated with meaning.” We, like them, have lost the ground under our feet that religion once provided. We, like them, suffer from the boredom of everyday life. Romanticism since the 18th century responds to the contemporary condition captured for Safranski by Rainer Maria Rilke: “We don’t feel very securely at home within our interpreted world.” Finally, I found myself wondering whether it is possible to distinguish so neatly between the aesthetic (the proper sphere for Romantic ideas) and the political (a realm from which Romantic ideas must be excluded) as Safranski seems to assume. All art has a political dimension, even if it is not overtly political. And all politics have an aesthetic dimension, not least the ways that political ideas are articulated and conveyed. Although one might wish to keep the aesthetic and the political separate from one another, it is important to recognize their inevitable, and often subtle, interpenetration: the political influences exerted by art and the aesthetic attractions exerted by politics. Indeed, even if we could imagine that the aesthetic and the political could be kept separate from one another, an art without politics would be an art divorced from life, and a politics without art would be a politics without appeal.But these are predictable reservations coming from an academic reviewer. The strength of the book, and much of the pleasure derived from reading it, comes from the fact that Safranski puts scholarly inhibitions aside and effectively “goes for it.” In fact, most of my reservations could be said to come from the very empirical, rationalist perspective that Romanticism reacted against. Indeed, despite the author’s critical distance from Romanticism, this book, with its sweep and its ambition, its desire to go beneath the surface and to present unities of thought across place and time, and its ability to bring people and ideas to life, is, in some essential way, an expression of the Romantic sensibility it so engagingly describes. Thomas A. Kohut, the Sue and Edgar Wachenheim III professor of history at Williams, is the author, most recently, of A German Generation: An Experiential History of the Twentieth century.
  •     作者:小白(文景社科图书编辑)《荣耀与丑闻——反思德国浪漫主义》,在印刷厂足足倒腾了有20天,6月11号下午准时拿到样书,正好大家开会,在同事们手里默默过了一遍,大家反映内容加形式的综合分还不错。从2012年7月到现在,正式工作即将满两年的时候,终于做出一本还挺漂亮的书,我感觉心里挺美。讲德国浪漫主义的书很多,即便在中文书里,也不算少。但是萨弗兰斯基的这一本,有他的独特之处。萨先生其实并不是个陌生人,2001年的时候,云南人民出版社就已经出版了他的《恶——或者自由的戏剧》,之后他的著作被陆续翻译过来,包括《尼采传》《席勒传》《来自德国的大师——海德格尔和他的时代》《叔本华及哲学的狂野年代》。萨弗兰斯基是传记大师,他写的传记分为两类,一类写人,瞄准的都是德意志民族缔造者这个级别的思想家,包括2013年在德国新出的《歌德传》;另一类写概念,比如写恶、写真理、写浪漫主义,等等。这两个写作方向,其实在萨弗兰斯基的每一本书中,也都是相互交融的,他的人物传记,常常会有一个表达概念的副标题,比如席勒传的德文提名中,还有个副标题,叫作“德国理想主义的发明”(die Erfindung des Deutschen Idealismus)。同样的,《荣耀与丑闻》这本讲浪漫主义的,其实介绍了大量德国浪漫派的作家,从他们的友谊到他们的爱情,从他们对自我的追求和寻找到用酒神精神反抗启蒙理性的阿波罗强权,都是用实实在在的故事讲出来的,且又不止于浪漫派,往前一直写到了歌德,往后一直写到1968的革命青年一代。照片上总是叼着烟斗的萨先生,看起来是个温柔的爷爷级大叔,这种温柔的气质和年代感共享在他笔下的文字中。我个人是比较推崇他的文字风格的,和我喜欢的茨威格有得一比。有细节,但不流于细枝末节,在细小处,有大视野,读起来很有嚼头。这本书下印的时候,跟译者卫茂平老师通电话,卫老师跟我讲,之前他见到一位德国教授,告诉他在德国,学界都很感谢萨弗兰斯基,因为他太会写了,读者覆盖面很广,以至于老师们在上课的时候,很多基础性的内容都不用再费力去讲,因为学生们已经可以在萨弗兰斯基的著作中了解到这些,讲述又有趣,很容易吸收。我挂了电话,顺藤摸瓜去德国的亚马逊看了一眼,果然,在写浪漫主义的书中,这本书排名第一。也真是荣幸,公司把这个选题分给我。买下选题,已经是多年前的事情了,慧眼识珠的是文景现在的蔡欣副总经理,也是她,给这本书找到了一个非常好非常合适的译者。我拿到书稿的时候,看到译者那里写的是卫茂平老师,眼前一亮。以短暂的从业经验来说,出版社拿到名家的著作并不是多么困难的事情,反倒是求得资深译者执笔,实在是难得。卫老师的确细致又有经验,译稿非常整齐,做了大量的注释。除了通过编辑技巧揪出来一些小错误,改动并不多。卫老师翻译精益求精,编辑对文字的常规规训,没想到卫老师还记在了心里。给卫老师送译者样书的时候,有幸和卫老师一起吃午饭,卫老师特别提到,编辑处理这本书,让他发现了自己一直以来的一个文字问题,就是说“涉及”的时候,他以前总喜欢说“涉及到”,看到校样对此的纠正,他自己把手头在译的其他稿子也统查了一遍。卫老师说,他喜欢翻译简洁,能少一个字,就不要多一个字,否则显得拖沓。(不过卫老师,你知道我发现下面这个对毕希纳的注释有错的时候,有多骄傲嘛!我觉得自己超厉害耶!)好书,好译稿。责编压力大,可别人家一个漂漂亮亮的姑娘,被责编这个嫁娘给整得泯然于众书,那就糟了。但是,要知道,责编的太阳星座是双鱼,上升星座是天秤,天生的外貌协会的主儿,怎么能允许这种事情发生?!身处文景这个团队,怎么能允许这样的事情发生?!折腾从出版方案开始。我的同事(她其实是我领导,我们部门主任,team leader,但是她不让我这么叫)袁晓琳总结出了“黄金四问”公式(这个名字是我写到这里想出来的),帮助我来思考出版方案的重头——定位问题。这四问是:1. 这是一本什么书?(调研,与同类书比较,与作者其他作品比较)2. 这可以是一本什么书?(可以从哪些角度切入这本书)3. 我们希望它是一本什么书?(选择一个角度)4.如何做到?(通过怎样的文案和形式实现它)为了回答这四个问题,我凝思苦想了很久好嘛,形成了一千多字的文字表述好嘛,就不给你们看了。我想说的是,明明这本书的硬件已经很强悍了,它并不需要逆袭,但是给它配软件,却仍然不是一个顺水推舟的过程,而是要经过杀死大量脑细胞的思考和纠结,甚至要经过消灭大量快乐情绪的争论和说服。文景的运作模式是团队协力,这意味着,从书名到确定开本到版式到封面到文案到营销方式,都不是一个人的事情,而是要经过责编、部门领导、公司领导的讨论,最后达成一个确定的方案,再去执行(我查了一下邮件,从定开本开始,每个问题,都经过差不多10封邮件的讨论,额外还有京沪两地的QQ语音连线至少两次,QQ讨论组的讨论至少1次,午饭时间聊天式讨论无数次,这本书,我装帧单写了8稿才通过,但这也就是本社装帧单退修的平均水平,我的最辉煌战绩,是两稿通过……目前所知,最伟大的一稿通过这个无法超越的记录,是由李頔同志完成的,她就是本社名书《现代世界的诞生》的责编)。在磨合的过程中,书的特质越来越显露。最后给这本书的定位是有政治反思精神的高端人文非虚构读物。(好像也没见多高明……不过,捡起一个包子就吃和进过一番比较最后决定吃哪个包子,虽然很可能结果撞一起,但伪学术青年认为,这是很不一样的好嘛!)磨合的重大成果,就是把书名改了。当然,改书名,不仅来自团队的想法,也是两种语言之间的差别所致。卫老师在译序里有所提及,这本书的德文原名,是Romantik. Eine deutsche Affäre,直译为“浪漫主义——一个德国事件”,但是Affäre的含义,又不是“事件”这个中文词所能涵括的,“事件”在中文里比较中性,对应的德文词是Fall 或 Ereignis,而Affäre的意思包含两个,一个是“令人不快或难堪之事”,二是“私通或者爱情丑闻”,萨弗兰斯基用这个词还是很为讲究的,因为浪漫主义思潮在德国的确错综复杂,隐晦幽暗,更重要的是,在近代德国,浪漫主义“误入”政治,和德国的历史灾难不无关系,“Affäre”很能反映出这种复杂性。但是在中文中,用“一个德国丑闻”,显得又重了,同时又容易把一个公共思潮联想成私人领域的情欲事件。所以“一个德国事件”“一个德国丑闻”都被大家否掉了。另外还想出来两个名字,一个是“主观心灵”,我个人非常喜欢,因为在我的理解中这非常能够反映出浪漫主义的思想核心,但是大家纷纷表示,你是在做哲学书吗?!!好吧,拉近和读者的距离很重要。另一个就是“荣耀与丑闻”,相当于用荣耀二字来缓冲丑闻的感情色彩,而且从成就上来说,德国浪漫主义的思想成就的确是非常璀璨的,一正一反,求得浪漫主义的幽微。这个名字取得了卫茂平老师的认可,团队也一拍即可。它需要一个精致一点的品相,才对得起“高端”的定位。我一眼相中的,就是《现代世界的诞生》的开本,讨论过程中,并没有太大的异议。这是一个神奇的开本,148*210,正是本社另一大名书《追风筝的人》开本,所以这本质上是一个适合文学书的开本,但是!变成精装之后,它变得更方一些,大了一圈,就华丽丽地甩掉了文学书的感觉,立马非虚构起来!又比较精致亲切!想要的就是这个感觉!开本定了,版式也就比较方便,只要坐在美编身边,在《现代世界的诞生》版式基础上,调整细节就可以了。要特别提一下的,是篇章页的设计。这本书的篇章页,不是常规的那种一个题目搞定,萨弗兰斯基的处理方式,是另外一种,就是在标明了第几章之后,用很多句子来阐述本章的内容。这个应该怎么排版?当然有简单、常规的处理方法,比如人民文学出的《席勒传》(在接手《荣耀与丑闻》之前,我是看《席勒传》知道的萨弗兰斯基,非常喜欢,而且人民文学的内容处理,我一直都觉得,是非常棒的,非常过关,所以《席勒传》是我处理《荣耀与丑闻》这本稿子的参照书之一)。但是对于《荣耀与丑闻》来说,这样的处理方式,就太不浪漫了!坐在美编跟前,调了几种,都不满意。还是我领导袁晓琳同志见多识广,现在的处理方法,就是她的发明,她说,你看,这像诗一样,难道不浪漫嘛!于是,就有了这个浪漫的篇章页。文案和版式的纠结,止步于责编这里,那么另外一个东西,就要连带着把另一个人折磨死了。这就是万恶的封面,这个人就是可怜的装帧设计师,文景的美编——艺名叫作园里的美女同事。写这个手记的时候,我翻了一下资料,大概一共有4个风格10稿的设计!列一些在这里:每一稿都是要费口水沟通和分析的!最后沟通出来的方案是,要用图,有历史感,但是不能用满版图,那样的话,会太历史了,没有传达出反思的意思。我们需要一个既有代表性,又有新意的图,最后选定了一幅德国浪漫主义时期的名画——大卫•弗里德里希•卡斯帕尔的《云端的旅行者》,因为这幅画真的很有代表性,认知度比较高,但是被用得太多了,比如:面对着上面这张封面,园里同志发出了哦买噶的惊呼,她的斗志被激发出来了,最后定稿的封面,是园里同志亲自对原图改刀再创作的样子,终于博得了大家一致赞同。(在我被逼的狗急跳墙的时候,还去找了上海书店出版社多才多艺画画超棒的Q萌女汉子王璇姑娘,她帮我画了一张铅笔画一张水彩,但是最后没有被用上,她说那就作为六一节礼物送给我,好开心!)对了,还有看到田艺苗老师的《古典音乐的巨匠时代》,以及一起拿看过的刘小枫老师的《诗化哲学》,我认为和《荣耀与丑闻》所谈的范围,很有交叉之处,所以鼓起勇气给田艺苗老师和刘小枫老师发信,邀请写推荐语,虽然之前没有打过交道,但是两位老师都非常nice,非常快地给了回复。张汝伦老师的推荐语,纯粹是工作之便,因为张老师的书,也恰好在我手里……但是最后因为版面的原因,在书的腰封封底,只上了张老师的推荐,对刘老师和田老师,心中很感到对不住。如果有读者认为,这本书有现在这个品相,不容易,那么说了谢谢之后,我想说,这本书,是群策群力的结果,责编只是信息处理中心和执行者的角色。书印出来,路就算走了一半,关于营销,其实还有很长的路要走……原文请戳:http://site.douban.com/wenjing/widget/notes/4645009/note/361763978/
  •     萨福兰斯基的书卫茂平基本都翻译过来了,以前出的尼采、席勒传等翻译都很晓畅,读起来没什么困难。现在出的这本怎么这么别扭啊。随便举几个例子:1、他被追踪;遇到一个似乎对他知晓一切的人……后面这句译为:遇到一个似乎知晓他一切的人 不是更通顺吗?2、对于秘密的意志,既在组成阴谋社团的人那里,也在受此惊吓的人那里是一种推动力。对于……,误用。3、因为如所周知,那里有光照派的大本营。如所周知,怎么理解?据说卫现在是上海外国语大学德语系主任,上面的翻译真不能代表系主任的水平啊!

精彩短评 (总计50条)

  •     從精神世界方面探究為何非要是德國,浪漫主義越了政治的線
  •     一本我看不懂的书
  •     强烈推荐!应该是迄今为止关于德国浪漫主义思想史最好的论著。
  •     当我给卑贱物一种崇高的意义,给寻常物一副神秘的模样,给已知物以未知物的庄重,给有限物一种无限的表象,我就已将它们浪漫化。
  •     挺好的,就是一些论述略长。
  •     历史人物群像,人物跃然纸上,非常有趣的入门读物。赫尔德作为浪漫派开端;面对法国大革命,歌德表示反对;施莱格尔的反讽运用;费希特对浪漫派的影响;蒂克的文学游戏;诺瓦利斯的爱;施莱尔马赫的无限者;荷尔德林的群神;浪漫派对常态的不满等等
  •     一天半翻完~材料略多,有些掌控不过来。。
  •     总感觉翻译怪怪的,先看看吧。
  •     不是很深刻...
  •     越到最后越好看。感觉现实感越来越强。eine Affaere.
  •     尽管最终给出的回答不够有力,但精准的描述与广阔的视野仍然值得激赏。封面的配图,真是准确把捉到了浪漫主义的精神。糟糕的翻译,糟蹋了萨弗兰斯基的好书
  •     一国的思想激荡足以影响全人类的命运。学术和文学的完美结合。
  •     想一幅对德国浪漫派思想的印象派画作,色彩明亮,线条流畅,夹杂着浪漫派思想家夫子自道的妙笔,思想氛围烘托得十足,气韵生动同时也难以清晰。或许本不以清晰为工。
  •     很好的一本书,用传记的体裁书写了思想史的内容,是全面了解浪漫主义的好书,深度略浅是本书的唯一缺陷,但还是强烈推荐。
  •     对德国浪漫主义的解读千千万,说它是极权、民族主义的元凶,未免太简单了一些,不如一个个地拿出来细看,看的方法千千万,比如,浪漫地看,浪漫主义,浪漫×2,浪漫的平方,让人直上云霄,云里雾里,好美。翻译如果再给力一点,更美。
  •     当20世纪伊始,韦伯和施密特对浪漫派就政治的肤浅认识感到愤怒之时,持续一个多世纪的浪漫思潮,最终在对原始欲望和集体崇拜近乎狂热的状态下走向极端,而几十年后更可怖的状况已被酝酿。如果回溯18世纪中叶,“浪漫”只是懵懂于自然和人类精神的烂漫情绪,然而大革命却让它从震惊中苏醒,在转瞬间的欣喜后,它便作出决定:选择一条与理性世界截然不同的道路。那么由此而来的杀戮是必然的吗?应该把政治暴力归因于浪漫吗?或者归因于个别的人?当人们去看那段历史之时,将遭遇无数智识精英,正是这一代代的天才共同作用将克里俄逼入绝地,而在那之前,他们始终认为推广狄俄尼索斯式生命观是一项要务。萨弗兰斯基的文字很优美、内容也扎实广博,他试图在描摹浪漫表层、艺术手法及其理想底下,透视那些有关人的普遍意义的渴望与残酷,并告诫应当关闭浪
  •     不觉得翻译得很烂吗?
  •     虽然面面俱到,但的确在深度上没有达到伯林那本“起源”的程度。不过也是因为着眼点不同。伯林的深也是因为只围绕一个核心问题论证,但在这本书中,问题却往往是为了推动对思想变化过程的描述。作为浪漫主义(尤其是文学)思想的导读非常好,可如果要真的理解文中的一些理念,恐怕还是要去读原著才成。
  •     作者清查了浪漫主义的谱系,把歌德、席勒、黑格尔、荷尔德林、谢林、海德格尔、托马斯曼都拉入到他所描述的群像中。这本书给人最强烈的启示在于浪漫主义的历史时代性与无意识性,诸多的思想家作为个体参与其间,后续的加入者又不断地冲浪翻滚,正如作者所言,极端的浪漫主义会导致政治灾难,但是匮乏浪漫主义将会产生平庸。如何持横,这是个问题,可能并没有答案可言。
  •     萨弗兰斯基的这本书读起来味同嚼蜡,时时令我陷入昏昏欲睡之中。读之乏味,弃之又不甘,好不容易读完了,回过头来,依然不清不楚、稀里糊涂的——你都说了些啥?
  •     藝術的政治化和政治的藝術化都是非常危險的。所以「為藝術而藝術」 & 「以政治為業」吧!
  •     浪漫主义编年史
  •     http://www.ximalaya.com/album/324355 http://www.ed2000.com/ShowFile/678078.html翻译太烂
  •     认知上缺乏太多,读得非常吃力
  •     貌似看了本不怎么接地气的书。
  •     心智史,观点的欲好胜过我的努力, 差补Hegel 和其他,好多好多
  •     萨弗兰斯基总是稍欠一点啥让人迟迟达不到高潮
  •     反思德国浪漫主义,中二到要吐了,根本不能直视!虽然理清了所有大手基友间的传承扬弃关系。托马斯曼告诫人们唯美主义和野蛮主义可怕的相邻关系。里尔克美是可怕的开始。正!这一切也是诞生玛琳黛德丽的沃土呐。国家社会主义是政治的浪漫主义诶诶。
  •     太好看了。
  •     写真好啊,无论是传记资料的把握,还是思想的体察和切入。
  •     功力不济,只看到八卦。
  •     断断续续在喜马拉雅FM听“上海贝多芬”读完这本书
  •     鞭辟入里。想起了博尔赫斯的同主题小说——《德意志安魂曲》。
  •     文章叙述的方式让人看得比较累,涉及虽广但看着有些乱,最后算是对浪漫主义的政治涉足进行了明确的评论,并不是一本平易近人的书。
  •     看起来无论德国的什么,要么至希特勒终,要么自希特勒始——所谓里程碑——很喜欢作者(译者?)的风格。
  •     还要再读。
  •     感谢@上海贝多芬 在喜马拉雅上的朗读,前前后后听了三个多月,爱上了萨弗兰斯基的评论,对于浪漫主义启蒙思想的挖掘独具匠心,从浪漫主义的具体作品与每个作家的浪漫经历的角度来挖掘这些特点,让人心驰神往。
  •     「幻想掌权!该做的是,以诗意的精神穿透世界!」
  •     终于读完了 饿着肚子读的读完直接动不了了
  •     文笔很不错。觉得编校还有一点提升的空间。
  •     作者給出的是一種整體的,關於浪漫主義的概覽式的圖景/譯得也好。
  •     感觉就像笔记本,作者所说大多废话,精华全都出自引文。
  •     对浪漫主义和浪漫的双重讨论,令萨弗兰斯基能够以超越以往的精度揭示问题的实质:从思想史的角度上说,浪漫主义反对启蒙主义;然而从更大的,即 “浪漫” 的尺度上说,它其实是在反对功利主义(功利主义就是启蒙主义的逻辑终点)。
  •     知识丰富,体系不足,对浪漫主义的讨论也略显表面
  •     _(:3」∠)_ 我觉得这个至少还得再看两遍……
  •     起初对此类理论书并不抱太大的希望。但正如里面所提到的一句话:同我一起飞翔,伊卡洛斯,穿过云端。十九世纪浪漫主义下的德国思想家们的精神滥觞如“浪漫”一词所提到的那样,给人以罂粟般的吸引。回到最近在研究的《金发艾克贝尔特》身上,也能从此书中挖掘出更多那些让我魂牵梦萦却无以名状的“灵感”。叹哉,德语所包含的民族文化!
  •     不知道张汝伦为什么在腰封上说这本深度不如伯林,作者明显对德国哲学理解更加地道和深邃。但篇幅有点过长,观点反复累赘,有些几乎没创见平庸,特别是结尾反对浪漫主义介入政治的教条以及一种无谓的两分看待法。
  •     如何既不失去浪漫而又不走向暴力? 艺术的浪漫与现实的张力,间隔。 作者能力极强,拥有这么广阔学识。很多内容只当做材料了!
  •     看了两遍 a life saver for my essay...肥肠完整全面的介绍 特别是第二部分讲到浪漫主义对国家社会主义的影响 很棒 而且并不难懂 感人....翻译有点拗口但是原文的语言也同样有点别扭...学校图书馆没有英译本于是我一边摊着中文版一边摊着原版艰难地搜寻quotes......
  •     有意思!!要看实体书!谢谢上海贝多芬的朗读,无氧都在读这个。果然,面对同样的事物,人的脑洞决定了自己能看到的宽度和深度
 

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