国家安全的文化

作者简介

《国家安全的文化:世界政治中的规范与认同》为国际关系学经典名著，建构主义国际关系流派代表作之一。在《国家安全的文化:世界政治中的规范与认同》中，16位重要学者将社会学与安全研究进行了创新性的融合，从规范、认同的角度出发集中分析了世界政治中的安全议题，对现实主义和自由主义的学术观点进行了评析和发展，成为后来建构主义国际关系学的“里程碑”。

书籍目录

Preface1. Introduction: Alternative Perspectives on National Security　Peter J. Katzenstein　Why Traditional National Security Issues?　Existing Analytical Perspectives　Cultural-Institutional Context and Political Identity　Why Bother?2. Norms, Identity, and Culture in National Security　Ronald L. Jepperson, Alexander Wendt, and Peter J. Katzenstein　Analytical Context　Theoretical Perspectives　Arguments　Methodological and Metatheoretic Matters　Extension and ConclusionPART I. Norms and National Security　3. Status, Norms, and the Proliferation of Conventional Weapons:　　An Institutional Theory Approach　　Dana P. Eyre and Mark C. Suchman　　Standard Explanations for the Proliferation of Weaponry　　An Alternative Perspective: Obligatory Action and an　　Institutional Theory of Weapons Proliferation　　Hypotheses　　Research Design, Data, and Methods of Analysis　　Results　4. Norms and Deterrence: The Nuclear and Chemical Weapons Taboos　　Richard Price and Nina Tannenwald　　The Social Construction of Deterrence　　The Chemical Weapons Taboo　　The Non-use of Nuclear Weapons　　Norms, Constructivism, and Explanation　5. Constructing Norms of Humanitarian Intervention　　Martha Finnemore　  Using Norms to Understand International Politics　　Humanitarian Intervention in the Nineteenth Century　　The Expansion of "Humanity" and Sovereignty　　Humanitarian Intervention Since 1945　6. Culture and French Military Doctrine Before World WarII　　Hizabeth Kier　　Alternative Explanations　　The Cultural Roots of Doctrinal Decisions　　The Cultural Roots of French Doctrine　7. Cultural Realism and Strategy in Maoist China　　Alastair lain Johnston　　Why China?　　Some Conceptual and Methodological Issues　　The Maoist Central Paradigm　　Strategic Preference Rankings　　Chinese Conflict Behavior　　Problems of AnalysisPART 2. Identity and National Security　8. Identity, Norms, and National Security: The Soviet Foreign Policy　　Revolution and the End of the Cold War　　Robert G. Herman　　Realist and Liberal Explanations　……PART 3 Implications and ConclusionsIndexAn Ideas and Identity Framework

编辑推荐

《国家安全的文化:世界政治中的规范与认同》内容为：The revolutionary changes that have marked world politics in recent yearsoffer scholars an extraordinary opportunity for reflection and critical selfappraisal. This is true, in particular, for scholars of international relations.One observer has likened the embarrassment that the end of the Cold Warcaused us as scholars of international relations and national security to theeffects the sinking of the Titanic had on the profession of naval engineers.Although our analytical coordinates for gauging global politics have provento be inadequate for an analysis of a world in rapid change, there has beenremarkably little rethinking of our categories of analysis.

前言

The revolutionary changes that have marked world politics in recent yearsoffer scholars an extraordinary opportunity for reflection and critical selfappraisal. This is true, in particular, for scholars of international relations.One observer has likened the embarrassment that the end of the Cold Warcaused us as scholars of international relations and national security to theeffects the sinking of the Titanic had on the profession of naval engineers.Although our analytical coordinates for gauging global politics have provento be inadequate for an analysis of a world in rapid change, there has beenremarkably little rethinking of our categories of analysis. Instead, in the firsthalf of the 1990s North American scholarship on the theory of internationalrelations was preoccupied with the issue of whether variants of realism or liberalism offered a superior way for explaining the world. Considering the dramatic international developments occurring during these years, many of theacademic debates looked arcane to the interested bystander. For it is hard todeny that existing theories of international relations have woefully fallenshort in explaining an important revolution in world politics.

内容概要

彼得·卡赞斯坦（Peter J．Katzenstein），美国哈佛大学博士（1973年），现任康奈尔大学Walter S.Carpente，Jr国际关系学教授。曾任著名的《国际组织》杂志主编，为国际关系学建构主义流派的重要代表人物之一，与现实主义流派的重要代表斯蒂芬·克拉斯纳和新自由主义流派的重要代表罗伯特·基欧汉并称为“三K”。他著述甚丰，其中包括《文化规范与国家安全：战后日本的警察与军队》、《世界市场中的小国：欧洲的工业政策》、《社团主义与变革：奥地利、瑞士和工业政治》、《网络权力：日本与亚洲》、《被驯服的大国：德国在欧洲》等。

媒体关注与评论

一本开拓性的著作，第一次试图将建构主义的研究方法引入安全研究中……这本书毫无疑问会成为国际关系理论的一部新的经典之作。　　——特德·霍普夫（Ted Hopf）。密歇根大学[这本书]占据了重要的理论位置，并且将一批年轻的“新思想家们”带入安全研究这一面临巨大变革的领域。　　——乔舒亚·戈尔茨坦（Joshua Goldstein），美国大学

章节摘录

As in the previous case, there were nonhumanitarian reasons to intervene, but if territorial issues were the only ones that mattered, the Tanzanians could have either stopped at the border, having evicted Ugandanforces, or pushed them back into Uganda short of Kampala. The explicitstatement of intent to topple the regime seems out of proportion to thelowlevel territorial squabble. Fernando Tes6n makes a strong case thatNyerere's intense dislike of Amin's regime and its practices influenced thescale of the response. Nyerere had already publicly called Amin a murderand refused to sit with him on the Authority of the East African Community.55 Tes6n also presents strong evidence that the lack of support ormaterial help for Uganda in this intervention from the UN, the OAU, or anystate besides Libya suggests tacit international acceptance of what wouldotherwise be universally condemned as international aggression because ofthe human rights record of the target state.56Despite evidence of humanitarian motivations, Tanzania never claimedhumanitarian justification. In fact, Tanzania went out of her way to minimize responsibility for the felicitous humanitarian outcome of heractions, saying only that she was acting in response to Amin's invasion andthat her actions just happened to coincide with a revolt against Amininside Uganda. When Sudan and Nigeria criticized Tanzania for interfering in another state's internal affairs in violation of the OAU charter, it wasthe new Ugandan regime that invoked humanitarian justifications forTanzania's actions. It criticized the critics, arguing that members of theOAU should not "hide behind the formula of nonintervention whenhuman rights are blatantly being violated."57

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