美国历届总统就职演说[英文本]
出版社:中央编译出版社
ISBN:9780211372509
作者:（美）乔治·华盛顿
作者简介
《美国历届总统就职演说(英文版)》主要介绍了历届总统就职的演说，具体内容有：1789 George Washington First Inaugural Address、1793 George Washington Second Inaugural Address、1797 John Adams Inaugural Address、1801 Thomas Jefferson First Inaugural Address、1805 Thomas Jefferson Second Inaugural Address、1809 James Madison First Inaugural Address、1813 James Madison Second Inaugural Address、1817 James Madison First Inaugural Address、1821 James Monroe Second Inaugural Address、1825 JOhn Quincy Adams First Inaugural Address、1829 Andrew Jackson First Inaugural Address、1833 Andrew Jackson Second Inaugural Address、1837 Martin Van Buren Inaugural Address、1841 William Henry Harrsion Inaugural Address等。
书籍目录
789 George Washington First Inaugural Address
1793 George Washington Second Inaugural Address
1797 John Adams Inaugural Address
1801 Thomas Jefferson First Inaugural Address
1805 Thomas Jefferson Second Inaugural Address
1809 James Madison First Inaugural Address
1813 James Madison Second Inaugural Address
1817 James Madison First Inaugural Address
1821 James Monroe Second Inaugural Address
1825 JOhn Quincy Adams First Inaugural Address
1829 Andrew Jackson First Inaugural Address
1833 Andrew Jackson Second Inaugural Address
1837 Martin Van Buren Inaugural Address
1841 William Henry Harrsion Inaugural Address
1845 James Konx Polk Inaugural Address
1849 Zachary Taylor Inaugural Address
1853 Franklin Pierce Inaugural Address
1857 James Buchanan Inaugural Address
1861 Abraham Lincoln First Inaugural Address
1865 Abraham Lincoln Second Inaugural Address
1869 Ulysses S.Grant First Inaugural Address
1873 Ulysses S.Grant Second Inaugural Address
1877 Rutherford B.Hayes Inaugural Address
1881 James A.Garfield Inaugural Address
1885 Grover Cleveland First Inaugural Address
1893 Grover Cleveland Second Inaugural Address
1889 Benjamin Harrison Inaugural Address
1897 William McKinley First Inaugural Address
1901 William McKinley Inaugural Address
1905 Theodore Roosevelt Inaugural Addres
1909 Willian Howard Inaugural Address
1913 Woodrow Wilson First Inaugural Address
1917 Woodrow Wilson Second Inaugural Address
1921 Warren G.Harding Inaugural Address
1925 Calvin Coolidge Inaugrual Address
1929 Herbert Hoover Inaugural Address
1933 Franklin D. Roosevelt First Inaugural Address
1937 Franklin D. Roosevelt Second Inaugural Address
1941 Franklin D. Roosevelt Third Inaugural Address
1945 Franklin D. Roosevelt Fourth Inaugural Address
1949 Harry S.Truman Inaugural Address
1953 Dwight D.Eisenhower First Inaugural Address
1957 Dwight D.Eisenhower Second Inaugural Address
1961 John F.Kennedy Inaugural Address
1965 Lyndon Baines Johnson Inaugural Address
1969 Richard Milhous Nixon First Inaugural Address
1973 Richard Milhous Nixon Second Inaugural Address
1977 Jimmy Carter Inaugural Address
1981 Ronald Reagan First Inaugural Address
1985 Ronald Reagan Second Inaugural Address
1989 George H.Bush Inaugural Address
1993 William J.Clinton First Inaugural Address
1997 William J.Clinton Second Inaugural Address
2001 George W.Bush First Inaugural Address
2005 George W.Bush Second Inaugural Address
2009 Barack Obama Inaugural Address
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Thete is another ground for the adoption of the veto principle．which hadprobably more influence in recommending it to the Convention than any other．I refer to the security which it gives to the just and equitable action of the Leg-islature upon all parts of the Union It couht not but have occurred to the Con•vention that in a country so extensive，embracing so great a variety of soil andclimate，and consequently of products，and which from the same causes mustever exhibit a great difference in the amount of the population of its varioussections，calling for“great diversity in the employments of the people，thatthe legislation of tile majority might not always justly regard the rights and in-terests of the minor itv，and that acts of this charaeter might be passed underan express grant hy the words of the Constitution，all(1 therefore not within thecompetency of the judMary to declare void；that however enlightened and pa。triotic they might suppose from past experience the nlembers ot Congress might1”．and however largely partaking，in the general，of the liberal feellings ofthe people，it was impossible to expect that tmdies so constituled shouht notsometimes he controlled hy local interests and sectional feelings It was prop-el，therefore，to provide some umpire from whose situation and mode of ap-pointment more independence an(1 freedom from such influences might be ex-nected．Such a one was afforded by the executive departmen!constituted bythe Constitulion．A person elected to that high office，having his constituentsin every spoetion．State，and subdivision of tile Union，must consider himself bound bv the most solemn sanetiolls to guard，protect，and defend the rights of a11 and of every portion．great or small，from the injustice and oppression ofthe rest. Thete is another ground for the adoption of the veto principle．which hadprobably more influence in recommending it to the Convention than any other．I refer to the security which it gives to the just and equitable action of the Leg-islature upon all parts of the Union It couht not but have occurred to the Con•vention that in a country so extensive，embracing so great a variety of soil andclimate，and consequently of products，and which from the same causes mustever exhibit a great difference in the amount of the population of its varioussections，calling for“great diversity in the employments of the people，thatthe legislation of tile majority might not always justly regard the rights and in-terests of the minor itv，and that acts of this charaeter might be passed underan express grant hy the words of the Constitution，all(1 therefore not within thecompetency of the judMary to declare void；that however enlightened and pa。triotic they might suppose from past experience the nlembers ot Congress might1”．and however largely partaking，in the general，of the liberal feellings ofthe people，it was impossible to expect that tmdies so constituled shouht notsometimes he controlled hy local interests and sectional feelings It was prop-el，therefore，to provide some umpire from whose situation and mode of ap-pointment more independence an(1 freedom from such influences might be ex-nected．Such a one was afforded by the executive departmen!constituted bythe Constitulion．A person elected to that high office，having his constituentsin every spoetion．State，and subdivision of tile Union，must consider himself bound bv the most solemn sanetiolls to guard，protect，and defend the rights of a11 and of every portion．great or small，from the injustice and oppression ofthe rest. -
Today we reconsecrate our country to long-cherished ideals in a suddenlychanged civilization．In every land there are always at work forces that drivemen apart and forces that draw men together．In our personal ambitions we areindividualists．But in our seeking for economic and political progress as a nation，we all go up，or else we all go down，as one people． ——FRANKLlN D．RooSEVELT We are creating a nation once again vibrant，robust，and alive．But there aremany mountains yet to climb．We will not rest until every American enjoys thefullness of freedom，dignity,and opportunity as our birthright．It is our birthrightas citizens of this great Republic。and we’ll meet this challenge． ——RoNALD REAGAN Our greatest responsibility is to embrace a new spirit of community for a newcentury．For any one of US to succeed，we must succeed as one America． ——WILLIAM J．CLINToN As for our common defense．we reject as faIse the choice between our safetyand our ideals．Our Founding Fathers，faced with perils we can scarcelyimagine，drafted a charter to assure the rule of law and the rights of man，acharter expanded by the blood of generations．Those ideals still light the world，and we will not give them up for expedience'S sake． ——BARACK OBAMA
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Thete is another ground for the adoption of the veto principle．which hadprobably more influence in recommending it to the Convention than any other．I refer to the security which it gives to the just and equitable action of the Leg-islature upon all parts of the Union It couht not but have occurred to the Con•vention that in a country so extensive，embracing so great a variety of soil andclimate，and consequently of products，and which from the same causes mustever exhibit a great difference in the amount of the population of its varioussections，calling for“great diversity in the employments of the people，thatthe legislation of tile majority might not always justly regard the rights and in-terests of the minor itv，and that acts of this charaeter might be passed underan express grant hy the words of the Constitution，all(1 therefore not within thecompetency of the judMary to declare void；that however enlightened and pa。triotic they might suppose from past experience the nlembers ot Congress might1”．and however largely partaking，in the general，of the liberal feellings ofthe people，it was impossible to expect that tmdies so constituled shouht notsometimes he controlled hy local interests and sectional feelings It was prop-el，therefore，to provide some umpire from whose situation and mode of ap-pointment more independence an(1 freedom from such influences might be ex-nected．Such a one was afforded by the executive departmen!constituted bythe Constitulion．A person elected to that high office，having his constituentsin every spoetion．State，and subdivision of tile Union，must consider himself bound bv the most solemn sanetiolls to guard，protect，and defend the rights of a11 and of every portion．great or small，from the injustice and oppression ofthe rest. Thete is another ground for the adoption of the veto principle．which hadprobably more influence in recommending it to the Convention than any other．I refer to the security which it gives to the just and equitable action of the Leg-islature upon all parts of the Union It couht not but have occurred to the Con•vention that in a country so extensive，embracing so great a variety of soil andclimate，and consequently of products，and which from the same causes mustever exhibit a great difference in the amount of the population of its varioussections，calling for“great diversity in the employments of the people，thatthe legislation of tile majority might not always justly regard the rights and in-terests of the minor itv，and that acts of this charaeter might be passed underan express grant hy the words of the Constitution，all(1 therefore not within thecompetency of the judMary to declare void；that however enlightened and pa。triotic they might suppose from past experience the nlembers ot Congress might1”．and however largely partaking，in the general，of the liberal feellings ofthe people，it was impossible to expect that tmdies so constituled shouht notsometimes he controlled hy local interests and sectional feelings It was prop-el，therefore，to provide some umpire from whose situation and mode of ap-pointment more independence an(1 freedom from such influences might be ex-nected．Such a one was afforded by the executive departmen!constituted bythe Constitulion．A person elected to that high office，having his constituentsin every spoetion．State，and subdivision of tile Union，must consider himself bound bv the most solemn sanetiolls to guard，protect，and defend the rights of a11 and of every portion．great or small，from the injustice and oppression ofthe rest.
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Today we reconsecrate our country to long-cherished ideals in a suddenlychanged civilization．In every land there are always at work forces that drivemen apart and forces that draw men together．In our personal ambitions we areindividualists．But in our seeking for economic and political progress as a nation，we all go up，or else we all go down，as one people．
——FRANKLlN D．RooSEVELT
We are creating a nation once again vibrant，robust，and alive．But there aremany mountains yet to climb．We will not rest until every American enjoys thefullness of freedom，dignity,and opportunity as our birthright．It is our birthrightas citizens of this great Republic。and we’ll meet this challenge．
——RoNALD REAGAN
Our greatest responsibility is to embrace a new spirit of community for a newcentury．For any one of US to succeed，we must succeed as one America．
——WILLIAM J．CLINToN
As for our common defense．we reject as faIse the choice between our safetyand our ideals．Our Founding Fathers，faced with perils we can scarcelyimagine，drafted a charter to assure the rule of law and the rights of man，acharter expanded by the blood of generations．Those ideals still light the world，and we will not give them up for expedience'S sake．
——BARACK OBAMA